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The Turkish president is a close partner of Donald Trump who maintains an open channel to Tehran, against whom Trump went to war. He's now a signatory to a new Middle Eastern defense pact that could see Turkey— officially Türkiye—come to the aid of Saudi Arabia or Pakistan. In an exclusive written interview with Newsweek, published here in full for our members, Erdogan laid out an ambitious vision of Turkey's place in a world he believes is being reordered around new centers of power. "The world's center of gravity is shifting," Erdogan said. His answer to that shift is not to pick a side, but to stay in NATO, deepen ties with China, talk to Putin and keep Tehran on the line. And despite what critics might describe as conflicting loyalties, he is explicit about the principle behind it. "We do not believe it is right to impose on Türkiye a choice between 'the West or the East,'" Erdogan said. What Erdogan Told Newsweek The result is a foreign policy built less around picking a camp than occupying the increasingly valuable space between them. For Erdogan, Turkey's geography—straddling Europe, Asia and the Middle East—is not a complication but its greatest advantage. The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity. Newsweek: You arrive at the United Nations at a volatile time for international affairs, one in which Türkiye is in a unique position between conflicts occurring in Europe and the Middle East. What are your primary aims for this year’s General Assembly? Erdogan: The world is going through profound shifts. The Russia-Ukraine war continues to our north. Conflicts to our south and east directly affect our region's security, economy, and stability. At times like these, it is the collective responsibility of the international community to expand the space for diplomacy rather than narrow it. Türkiye’s priority at the General Assembly is to prevent conflicts from spreading to other regions, keep diplomatic channels open and contribute to bringing the parties back to the negotiating table. From the Russia-Ukraine war to tensions in the Middle East, Türkiye is a country capable of maintaining dialogue with all parties to conflicts and taking the initiative for peace. The world’s center of gravity is shifting. As new centers of power emerge, more countries are demanding their rightful place in global decision-making processes. The United Nations must not fall behind this transformation. We believe that the Security Council must become more representative, more effective and more accountable. Reform can no longer be postponed in order to build an international system in which the will of the General Assembly is more strongly reflected in decision-making processes and responsibility is shared more equitably. There is a great deal of uncertainty, in particular, surrounding the U.S.-Israeli war with Iran, which, of course, directly borders Türkiye. You’ve called on both sides to pursue peace, but as escalations continue, what next steps do you envision taking to address the global instability it has caused? It is necessary to avoid steps that would further escalate tensions and to bring the parties together for negotiations. A lasting solution can only be achieved through this approach. The United States is our ally within NATO. Iran is our neighbor. During my most recent meeting with President Trump, I also emphasized the need to make the fullest possible use of diplomacy to address tensions between Iran and the United States. Our communication channels with our Iranian counterparts are also open. One of Türkiye’s important advantages is its ability to engage with parties involved in disputes. We are making use of this advantage to help reduce tensions. The success of these contacts is important for both the security of our region and the global economy. Tensions in the Strait of Hormuz directly affect energy supplies and global trade. Our priority is to prevent the conflict from spreading, safeguard the security of trade routes and bring the parties back to the negotiating table. Türkiye last month signed a mutual defense agreement with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, a decision some viewed as shoring up regional deterrence against both Iran and Israel outside of U.S. security guarantees. What is the message and strategic value of this pact, and does it warrant the possibility of Turkish intervention in response to strikes conducted by Iran or its allies in Iraq and Yemen against Saudi Arabia? It would not be correct to view the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement as an alliance established against Iran, Israel or any third country. This agreement is an expression of our shared responsibility to build a safer, peaceful and prosperous future. For a long time, we have emphasized that regional issues must be addressed by the countries of the region themselves. We seek to strengthen our security, enhance our deterrence and reinforce lasting stability in our region. The agreement is founded on the right of self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter. It stipulates that an armed attack against any one of the three countries shall be considered an attack against all parties. The nature of the response to be provided would be determined based on the request and needs of the country under attack. Such support could take the form of intelligence, logistical or ammunition assistance. More advanced military support could also be considered depending on the scale of the threat. The relevant political and military mechanisms will decide how such support will be provided through consultation and coordination. Therefore, it would not be right at this stage to envisage an automatic military response scenario for every incident that may occur in Iraq, Yemen or elsewhere. President Trump has often spoken highly of you and praised Türkiye’s non-intervention in the Iran conflict, while criticizing other NATO members for lack of involvement. In what ways can this relationship serve as an opportunity to build upon Türkiye-U.S. relations, and are you at all concerned that the situation may change if, for example, the White House carries out its threats of sanctions against Iran’s trade partners? We have a relationship with President Trump that allows us to speak directly and openly with one another. I believe this is an important opportunity for both Türkiye-U.S. relations and developments in our region. During our most recent meeting, we directly addressed a broad range of issues, from the Iran issue and regional security to Gaza and our bilateral relations. When there is open communication between leaders, it becomes easier to manage differences of opinion that may arise occasionally and to develop common solutions. Türkiye and the United States have a long-standing, deep-rooted and multifaceted alliance relationship. We have an established record of cooperation, particularly in the fields of defense industry, trade and regional security, as well as significant potential to further develop this cooperation. Therefore, I do not think it would be appropriate to discuss such strong relations, which rest on solid foundations, in terms of hypothetical scenarios. We have a candid dialogue with President Trump regarding the current situation between Iran and the United States. When the time comes, we will discuss any possible developments with the same openness. What I can say, however, is that Türkiye, as a sovereign state, will continue to act as it has done to date, taking into account its relations with its neighbors, its alliance commitments, its regional responsibilities and its national interests in the most balanced and appropriate manner. President Trump also has a close relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, someone with whom you have exchanged quite harsh words. Are you concerned about Israel’s influence within the U.S. administration at a time when some Israeli officials have begun portraying Türkiye as the “next” threat after Iran? I do not define Türkiye-U.S. relations through a third country. Our counterpart in Washington is the administration of the United States. Whenever there is an issue we need to discuss with President Trump, we speak with him directly. It is also well known that we have serious differences of opinion with the Israeli government on many issues. Recently, a misguided narrative aimed at portraying Türkiye as a new source of threat has been fueled in Israel. We consider this rhetoric to be linked to Israel’s domestic political dynamics and the electoral climate. We do not view this rhetoric as a responsible approach that fosters regional peace. Türkiye has no hostility toward the Israeli people or toward any other society. What we oppose are policies that we consider contrary to international law and steps that deepen instability in our region. Issues such as the recent Israeli strikes in Syria and Israel’s defense agreement with Greece have emerged as flashpoints for the Israel-Türkiye rivalry. Do you anticipate scenarios where these tensions erupt into a military conflict? What would that mean for NATO? Türkiye does not formulate its foreign policy around inevitable war scenarios. Our approach to Syria is clear. We want Syria’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity to be preserved. It is in the interest of our entire region for the country to recover, strengthen its state institutions and enhance its capacity to combat terrorism. We also consider Israel’s attacks against Syria within this framework. Israel’s attacks, which disregard international law and established rules, are clearly undermining Syria’s sovereignty and making it more difficult to establish stability in the region. Yet stability in Syria would contribute to peace and development throughout our region, including in Israel. The relations that Greece or any other country develops with third countries are a matter of their own choice. Türkiye does not view every bilateral relationship as a threat directed against it. Nonetheless, we closely monitor any actions that may jeopardize our national security, lawful rights, and interests. Türkiye has a strong position and influence in NATO. Rather than debating the ramifications of a hypothetical military confrontation for the Alliance, it would be more prudent to focus on diplomacy to prevent such a possibility from arising. The path to lasting security in our region lies in a security architecture built on Allied relations and regional partnerships shaped by a 360-degree approach to security that reduces tensions, strengthens deterrence, moves beyond a mindset of mutual encirclement and is grounded in international law. Despite the tensions in Syria, we have seen a number of successes for Turkish interests in this arena, including the dissolution of the PKK. What does this achievement for Türkiye’s national security, and are you concerned about any U.S. or Israeli efforts to sponsor Iranian Kurdish opposition movements, some of which have historic PKK [Kurdistan Workers' Party] ties, in northern Iraq? "Terror-Free Türkiye" is a strategic goal for us that goes beyond a matter of timing. We want to permanently remove from our agenda the issue of terrorism, which for decades has claimed lives, drained our resources and hindered the development of our country and our region. In this regard, we see the PKK's decision to dissolve itself and lay down its arms as a major turning point. The most critical aspect is the complete implementation of these decisions on the ground. All elements of the organization must lay down their arms, the illegal structure must be dismantled, and the relevant institutions of our state must verify and confirm this process. We are also monitoring the developments in Syria in the same spirit. The integration of all armed elements there under the central state structure is essential to strengthening Syria’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and social cohesion. We support this process moving forward based on equal citizenship and the establishment of an order in which all Syrians, including Kurds, can enjoy greater security, freedom and prosperity. As Syria's unity grows stronger, so too will our region's security. We are also closely monitoring attempts by the PKK/PJAK [Kurdistan Free Life Party] to take advantage of the situation arising from developments in Iran. The Iranian people should resolve Iran's internal affairs without external intervention. Triggering ethnic and sectarian fault lines would plunge Iran and our entire region into prolonged instability. This must not be allowed. The Kurds are our brothers and sisters. We have lived together, side by side, for a thousand years. Our joys are shared. As I always say, Kurds, Arabs, and Turks are inextricably linked. We keep the peace, security and prosperity of our Kurdish brothers and sisters separate from the agendas of terrorist organizations or external powers. Türkiye's criterion is not ethnic identity; it is terrorism, violence, and threats to our national security. We believe that no community in our region should be used in other countries’ proxy wars. Moving to Europe, there have been some worrying trends in relation to the Russia-Ukraine war and a growing list of reported attacks and sabotage operations that European officials consider “hybrid warfare” by Moscow. As commander-in-chief of NATO’s second-largest army but also a leader who has maintained communication with President Putin, are you concerned about a potential escalation toward a broader conflict in Europe, and is there still a part Türkiye can play in mediating peace? We do not disregard the risk of the Russia-Ukraine war spreading to a wider region. Allegations of sabotage and hybrid activities in Europe are also adding to the fragility of the current security environment. In this process, it is necessary to act with restraint, assess the allegations on the basis of solid evidence, and avoid steps that could further escalate tensions. Türkiye’s priority is to prevent the war from turning into a conflict that draws in other countries. Türkiye’s position on the Russia-Ukraine war has remained unchanged for over four years. The İstanbul talks, the Black Sea Grain Initiative and prisoner exchanges are tangible outcomes of our ability to engage with both sides. Türkiye is a strong NATO Ally. At the same time, we are able to maintain direct contact with both President Putin and the Ukrainian leadership. I see no contradiction in this. To mediate, you need to be able to talk to both sides of a conflict. During my most recent meeting with President Putin in Bishkek, I also made it clear that Türkiye stands ready to do its part to help achieve peace. One issue we attach particular importance to today is security in the Black Sea. We continue to engage with the parties to ensure that civilian shipping, trade routes, and energy infrastructure remain outside the war. I believe there is a need for a mechanism that will permanently ensure the security of commercial maritime transport in the Black Sea. As the war continues, its humanitarian, economic and political costs continue to grow. Once the necessary political will is demonstrated, Türkiye stands ready to contribute to bringing the parties back to the negotiating table and paving the way for peace. As geopolitical trends shift as well, we are witnessing the dawn of an increasingly multipolar world with new power centers. How do you plan to steer Türkiye through this emerging era, navigate ties between Western and Eastern powers, including China, and ensure a stable and influential role for your nation in the region and beyond? We do not believe it is right to impose on Türkiye a choice between “the West or the East." Last July, we hosted the NATO Summit in Ankara. As we consolidate our strong position within NATO, we are deepening our cooperation within the Organization of Turkic States and taking an active role in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. We are also advancing our relations with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, of which we are a Dialogue Partner, and enhancing our role in the G20, D-8, and other multilateral platforms. Most recently, we have elevated our cooperation with ASEAN to the level of "Dialogue Partnership." In addition, we are further developing our relations with other countries through new cooperation mechanisms based on regional ownership, while promoting stability and prosperity in our region and strengthening our collective security and deterrence capacity. Similarly, the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement represents one of the most recent and notable examples of this vision that we are implementing in collaboration with the countries of the region. We want to expand our trade, investment and connectivity with China. In this regard, Türkiye attaches importance to the Trans-Caspian East-West Middle Corridor, which connects Asia and Europe, playing a greater role in global logistics and trade, and supports initiatives such as TRIPP [Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity] that both offer a strategic vision for the region and further strengthen the Middle Corridor. At the same time, we are working with Iraq to implement the Development Road Project, which will connect the Persian Gulf to Türkiye and, through Türkiye, to Europe, while also advancing a new vision for rail and road connectivity with Syria, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia. Türkiye's unique position between East and West naturally calls for a multidimensional and multifaceted foreign policy. We pursue our national interests, regional stability and global peace in tandem. While preserving our long-standing alliances, we forge new partnerships and, when necessary, bring different centers of power together around the same table. Türkiye’s course is clear: we will steadfastly continue along this path as a strong country that acts according to its own will, reinforces stability in its region, and has a voice and assumes responsibility in global affairs. News Turkey Turkey News Article Erdogan’s New World Order: Turkey Won’t Choose East or West Published Sep 25, 2026 at 05:00 AM EDT updated Sep 25, 2026 at 06:15 AM EDT Turkish Directorate of Communications By Tom O'Connor Deputy Editor, National Security and Foreign Policy 0 Share Newsweek is a Trust Project member See more of our trusted coverage when you search. Prefer Newsweek on Google to see more of our trusted coverage when you search. Recep Tayyip Erdogan is a NATO leader who talks to Vladimir Putin. The Turkish president is a close partner of Donald Trump who maintains an open channel to Tehran, against whom Trump went to war. He's now a signatory to a new Middle Eastern defense pact that could see Turkey— officially Türkiye—come to the aid of Saudi Arabia or Pakistan. In an exclusive written interview with Newsweek , published here in full for our members, Erdogan laid out an ambitious vision of Turkey's place in a world he believes is being reordered around new centers of power. "The world's center of gravity is shifting," Erdogan said. His answer to that shift is not to pick a side, but to stay in NATO, deepen ties with China, talk to Putin and keep Tehran on the line. Read More on News And despite what critics might describe as conflicting loyalties, he is explicit about the principle behind it. "We do not believe it is right to impose on Türkiye a choice between 'the West or the East,'" Erdogan said. What Erdogan Told Newsweek Turkey could provide military support if Saudi Arabia or Pakistan is attacked. Erdogan said the new Mecca Joint Defence Agreement considers an armed attack on one member an attack on all. Support could include intelligence, logistics and ammunition—and, depending on the threat, "more advanced military support." He believes the global balance of power is fundamentally changing. "The world's center of gravity is shifting," Erdogan said, arguing that emerging powers should receive a greater role in international decision-making and calling for reform of the U.N. Security Council. Turkey will not choose between East and West. Erdogan said Ankara intends simultaneously to strengthen its role in NATO and deepen relationships with China, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, ASEAN and other emerging centers of power. He is positioning Turkey between Washington and Tehran. "The United States is our ally within NATO. Iran is our neighbor," Erdogan said, describing open channels with both Trump and Iranian officials in an attempt to prevent the conflict spreading. He rejected the idea of an inevitable confrontation with Israel. Erdogan pushed back against Israeli rhetoric portraying Turkey as a potential next threat after Iran, while saying Ankara would closely monitor actions affecting its security. He sees no contradiction between NATO membership and talking to Putin. Erdogan said Turkey's ability to maintain direct contact with both Moscow and Kyiv is precisely what allows it to act as a mediator in the Ukraine war. The result is a foreign policy built less around picking a camp than occupying the increasingly valuable space between them. For Erdogan, Turkey's geography—straddling Europe, Asia and the Middle East—is not a complication but its greatest advantage. The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity. Newsweek : You arrive at the United Nations at a volatile time for international affairs , one in which Türkiye is in a unique position between conflicts occurring in Europe and the Middle East. What are your primary aims for this year’s General Assembly? Erdogan: The world is going through profound shifts. The Russia-Ukraine war continues to our north. Conflicts to our south and east directly affect our region's security, economy, and stability. At times like these, it is the collective responsibility of the international community to expand the space for diplomacy rather than narrow it. Türkiye’s priority at the General Assembly is to prevent conflicts from spreading to other regions, keep diplomatic channels open and contribute to bringing the parties back to the negotiating table. From the Russia-Ukraine war to tensions in the Middle East, Türkiye is a country capable of maintaining dialogue with all parties to conflicts and taking the initiative for peace. The world’s center of gravity is shifting. As new centers of power emerge, more countries are demanding their rightful place in global decision-making processes. The United Nations must not fall behind this transformation. We believe that the Security Council must become more representative, more effective and more accountable. Reform can no longer be postponed in order to build an international system in which the will of the General Assembly is more strongly reflected in decision-making processes and responsibility is shared more equitably. ... There is a great deal of uncertainty, in particular, surrounding the U.S.-Israeli war with Iran, which, of course, directly borders Türkiye. You’ve called on both sides to pursue peace, but as escalations continue, what next steps do you envision taking to address the global instability it has caused? It is necessary to avoid steps that would further escalate tensions and to bring the parties together for negotiations. A lasting solution can only be achieved through this approach. The United States is our ally within NATO. Iran is our neighbor. During my most recent meeting with President Trump, I also emphasized the need to make the fullest possible use of diplomacy to address tensions between Iran and the United States. Our communication channels with our Iranian counterparts are also open. One of Türkiye’s important advantages is its ability to engage with parties involved in disputes. We are making use of this advantage to help reduce tensions. The success of these contacts is important for both the security of our region and the global economy. Tensions in the Strait of Hormuz directly affect energy supplies and global trade. Our priority is to prevent the conflict from spreading, safeguard the security of trade routes and bring the parties back to the negotiating table. Türkiye last month signed a mutual defense agreement with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, a decision some viewed as shoring up regional deterrence against both Iran and Israel outside of U.S. security guarantees. What is the message and strategic value of this pact, and does it warrant the possibility of Turkish intervention in response to strikes conducted by Iran or its allies in Iraq and Yemen against Saudi Arabia? It would not be correct to view the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement as an alliance established against Iran, Israel or any third country. This agreement is an expression of our shared responsibility to build a safer, peaceful and prosperous future. For a long time, we have emphasized that regional issues must be addressed by the countries of the region themselves. We seek to strengthen our security, enhance our deterrence and reinforce lasting stability in our region. The agreement is founded on the right of self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter. It stipulates that an armed attack against any one of the three countries shall be considered an attack against all parties. The nature of the response to be provided would be determined based on the request and needs of the country under attack. Such support could take the form of intelligence, logistical or ammunition assistance. More advanced military support could also be considered depending on the scale of the threat. The relevant political and military mechanisms will decide how such support will be provided through consultation and coordination. Therefore, it would not be right at this stage to envisage an automatic military response scenario for every incident that may occur in Iraq, Yemen or elsewhere. President Trump has often spoken highly of you and praised Türkiye’s non-intervention in the Iran conflict, while criticizing other NATO members for lack of involvement. In what ways can this relationship serve as an opportunity to build upon Türkiye-U.S. relations, and are you at all concerned that the situation may change if, for example, the White House carries out its threats of sanctions against Iran’s trade partners? We have a relationship with President Trump that allows us to speak directly and openly with one another. I believe this is an important opportunity for both Türkiye-U.S. relations and developments in our region. During our most recent meeting, we directly addressed a broad range of issues, from the Iran issue and regional security to Gaza and our bilateral relations. When there is open communication between leaders, it becomes easier to manage differences of opinion that may arise occasionally and to develop common solutions. Türkiye and the United States have a long-standing, deep-rooted and multifaceted alliance relationship. We have an established record of cooperation, particularly in the fields of defense industry, trade and regional security, as well as significant potential to further develop this cooperation. Therefore, I do not think it would be appropriate to discuss such strong relations, which rest on solid foundations, in terms of hypothetical scenarios. We have a candid dialogue with President Trump regarding the current situation between Iran and the United States. When the time comes, we will discuss any possible developments with the same openness. What I can say, however, is that Türkiye, as a sovereign state, will continue to act as it has done to date, taking into account its relations with its neighbors, its alliance commitments, its regional responsibilities and its national interests in the most balanced and appropriate manner. ... President Trump also has a close relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, someone with whom you have exchanged quite harsh words. Are you concerned about Israel’s influence within the U.S. administration at a time when some Israeli officials have begun portraying Türkiye as the “next” threat after Iran? I do not define Türkiye-U.S. relations through a third country. Our counterpart in Washington is the administration of the United States. Whenever there is an issue we need to discuss with President Trump, we speak with him directly. It is also well known that we have serious differences of opinion with the Israeli government on many issues. Recently, a misguided narrative aimed at portraying Türkiye as a new source of threat has been fueled in Israel. We consider this rhetoric to be linked to Israel’s domestic political dynamics and the electoral climate. We do not view this rhetoric as a responsible approach that fosters regional peace. Türkiye has no hostility toward the Israeli people or toward any other society. What we oppose are policies that we consider contrary to international law and steps that deepen instability in our region. Issues such as the recent Israeli strikes in Syria and Israel’s defense agreement with Greece have emerged as flashpoints for the Israel-Türkiye rivalry. Do you anticipate scenarios where these tensions erupt into a military conflict? What would that mean for NATO? Türkiye does not formulate its foreign policy around inevitable war scenarios. Our approach to Syria is clear. We want Syria’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity to be preserved. It is in the interest of our entire region for the country to recover, strengthen its state institutions and enhance its capacity to combat terrorism. We also consider Israel’s attacks against Syria within this framework. Israel’s attacks, which disregard international law and established rules, are clearly undermining Syria’s sovereignty and making it more difficult to establish stability in the region. Yet stability in Syria would contribute to peace and development throughout our region, including in Israel. The relations that Greece or any other country develops with third countries are a matter of their own choice. Türkiye does not view every bilateral relationship as a threat directed against it. Nonetheless, we closely monitor any actions that may jeopardize our national security, lawful rights, and interests. Türkiye has a strong position and influence in NATO. Rather than debating the ramifications of a hypothetical military confrontation for the Alliance, it would be more prudent to focus on diplomacy to prevent such a possibility from arising. The path to lasting security in our region lies in a security architecture built on Allied relations and regional partnerships shaped by a 360-degree approach to security that reduces tensions, strengthens deterrence, moves beyond a mindset of mutual encirclement and is grounded in international law. ... Despite the tensions in Syria, we have seen a number of successes for Turkish interests in this arena, including the dissolution of the PKK. What does this achievement for Türkiye’s national security, and are you concerned about any U.S. or Israeli efforts to sponsor Iranian Kurdish opposition movements, some of which have historic PKK [Kurdistan Workers' Party] ties, in northern Iraq? "Terror-Free Türkiye" is a strategic goal for us that goes beyond a matter of timing. We want to permanently remove from our agenda the issue of terrorism, which for decades has claimed lives, drained our resources and hindered the development of our country and our region. In this regard, we see the PKK's decision to dissolve itself and lay down its arms as a major turning point. The most critical aspect is the complete implementation of these decisions on the ground. All elements of the organization must lay down their arms, the illegal structure must be dismantled, and the relevant institutions of our state must verify and confirm this process. We are also monitoring the developments in Syria in the same spirit. The integration of all armed elements there under the central state structure is essential to strengthening Syria’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and social cohesion. We support this process moving forward based on equal citizenship and the establishment of an order in which all Syrians, including Kurds, can enjoy greater security, freedom and prosperity. As Syria's unity grows stronger, so too will our region's security. We are also closely monitoring attempts by the PKK/PJAK [Kurdistan Free Life Party] to take advantage of the situation arising from developments in Iran. The Iranian people should resolve Iran's internal affairs without external intervention. Triggering ethnic and sectarian fault lines would plunge Iran and our entire region into prolonged instability. This must not be allowed. The Kurds are our brothers and sisters. We have lived together, side by side, for a thousand years. Our joys are shared. As I always say, Kurds, Arabs, and Turks are inextricably linked. We keep the peace, security and prosperity of our Kurdish brothers and sisters separate from the agendas of terrorist organizations or external powers. Türkiye's criterion is not ethnic identity; it is terrorism, violence, and threats to our national security. We believe that no community in our region should be used in other countries’ proxy wars. Moving to Europe, there have been some worrying trends in relation to the Russia-Ukraine war and a growing list of reported attacks and sabotage operations that European officials consider “hybrid warfare” by Moscow. As commander-in-chief of NATO’s second-largest army but also a leader who has maintained communication with President Putin, are you concerned about a potential escalation toward a broader conflict in Europe, and is there still a part Türkiye can play in mediating peace? We do not disregard the risk of the Russia-Ukraine war spreading to a wider region. Allegations of sabotage and hybrid activities in Europe are also adding to the fragility of the current security environment. In this process, it is necessary to act with restraint, assess the allegations on the basis of solid evidence, and avoid steps that could further escalate tensions. Türkiye’s priority is to prevent the war from turning into a conflict that draws in other countries. Türkiye’s position on the Russia-Ukraine war has remained unchanged for over four years. The İstanbul talks, the Black Sea Grain Initiative and prisoner exchanges are tangible outcomes of our ability to engage with both sides. Türkiye is a strong NATO Ally. < At the same time, we are able to maintain direct contact with both President Putin and the Ukrainian leadership. I see no contradiction in this. To mediate, you need to be able to talk to both sides of a conflict. During my most recent meeting with President Putin in Bishkek, I also made it clear that Türkiye stands ready to do its part to help achieve peace. One issue we attach particular importance to today is security in the Black Sea. We continue to engage with the parties to ensure that civilian shipping, trade routes, and energy infrastructure remain outside the war. I believe there is a need for a mechanism that will permanently ensure the security of commercial maritime transport in the Black Sea. As the war continues, its humanitarian, economic and political costs continue to grow. Once the necessary political will is demonstrated, Türkiye stands ready to contribute to bringing the parties back to the negotiating table and paving the way for peace. ... As geopolitical trends shift as well, we are witnessing the dawn of an increasingly multipolar world with new power centers. How do you plan to steer Türkiye through this emerging era, navigate ties between Western and Eastern powers, including China, and ensure a stable and influential role for your nation in the region and beyond? We do not believe it is right to impose on Türkiye a choice between “the West or the East." Last July, we hosted the NATO Summit in Ankara. As we consolidate our strong position within NATO, we are deepening our cooperation within the Organization of Turkic States and taking an active role in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. We are also advancing our relations with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, of which we are a Dialogue Partner, and enhancing our role in the G20, D-8, and other multilateral platforms. Most recently, we have elevated our cooperation with ASEAN to the level of "Dialogue Partnership." In addition, we are further developing our relations with other countries through new cooperation mechanisms based on regional ownership, while promoting stability and prosperity in our region and strengthening our collective security and deterrence capacity. Similarly, the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement represents one of the most recent and notable examples of this vision that we are implementing in collaboration with the countries of the region. We want to expand our trade, investment and connectivity with China. In this regard, Türkiye attaches importance to the Trans-Caspian East-West Middle Corridor, which connects Asia and Europe, playing a greater role in global logistics and trade, and supports initiatives such as TRIPP [Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity] that both offer a strategic vision for the region and further strengthen the Middle Corridor. At the same time, we are working with Iraq to implement the Development Road Project, which will connect the Persian Gulf to Türkiye and, through Türkiye, to Europe, while also advancing a new vision for rail and road connectivity with Syria, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia. Türkiye's unique position between East and West naturally calls for a multidimensional and multifaceted foreign policy. We pursue our national interests, regional stability and global peace in tandem. While preserving our long-standing alliances, we forge new partnerships and, when necessary, bring different centers of power together around the same table. Türkiye’s course is clear: we will steadfastly continue along this path as a strong country that acts according to its own will, reinforces stability in its region, and has a voice and assumes responsibility in global affairs. 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